By James Ramon Felak
Slovak nationalist sentiment has been a relentless presence within the historical past of Czechoslovakia, coming to go within the torrent of nationalism that led to the dissolution of the Republic on January 1, 1993. James Felak examines a parallel episode within the Thirties with Slovak nationalists accomplished autonomy for Slovakia-but “at the cost” of the lack of East relevant Europe's merely parliamentary democracy and the strengthening of Nazi strength. The tensions among Czechs and Slovaks date again to the production of Czechoslovakia in 1918. Slovaks, who differed sharply in political culture, social and fiscal improvement, and tradition, and resented being ruled by means of a centralized management run from the Czech capital of Prague, shaped the Slovak People's social gathering, led through Roman Catholic priest Ankrej Hlinka. Drawing seriously on Czech and Slovak records, Felak presents a balanced background of the get together, delivering remarkable perception into intraparty factionalism and behind-the-scenes maneuvering surrounding SSP's coverage judgements.
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Extra info for At the Price of the Republic Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1929-1938
Freud states, typically: The most important thing is the aim of creating a unity out of the individual human beings. It is true that the aim of happiness is still there, but it is pushed into the background. It almost seems as if the creation of a great human community would be most successful if no attention had to be paid to the happiness of the individual. (p. " We may pose, therefore, the following question: What is the source of this tendency? Freud would appear to be unable to provide a definitive explanation.
126);" the "wishy-washy intellectual (Valentinov, 1968, p. 126);" of "intellectualist impotence (Lenin, 1962a, p. 283);" and of the ''whining intellectual trash (Lenin, 1962b, p. " 26 Revolution as a Struggle Against Passivity For the revolutionary, however, a commitment to ideas is not sufficient: one must be committed, rather, in addition, to the activation of one's ideas in reality. 2 It follows, therefore, that the posture of the intellectual may be an anti-revolutionary posture, insofar as the intellectual's attachment to words and ideas may diminish the intensity of his commitment to action.
The national community develops, I believe, as a response to these psychological problems, functioning, essentially, to alleviate the anxiety associated with separation from the intimate community. Specifically, we may hypothesize, the stream of words and images which flows from the mass-media functions to keep the individual company, and to create, for him, the illusion that he is not alone. The "national community," then, according to the theory developed here, is a special kind of community which possesses its own, unique dynamics: it is a community which The Social Psychology of Nationalism 41 functions, simultaneously, to permit the individual to be free of the group, yet to provide the emotional sense of being connected to the group.
At the Price of the Republic Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1929-1938 by James Ramon Felak