By Harvey F. Kline
Charts the development and failure of Colombian President Andrés Pastrana’s efforts to carry an finish to sixty years of civil war.
The civil battle in Colombia has waxed and waned for nearly sixty years with moving objectives, courses, and strategies one of the contending events and with bursts of appalling violence punctuated by way of uneasy truces, cease-fires, and makes an attempt at reconciliation. kinds of Marxism, the economics of narco-trafficking, peasant land starvation, poverty, and oppression combine jointly in a poisonous stew that has claimed uncounted lives of (most usually) peasants, conscript infantrymen, and those who simply received within the way.
Hope for solution of this clash is generally constrained to dreamers and millenialists of varied persuasions, yet sometimes an try is made at a leap forward within the army stalemate among the govt and the Marxist teams. essentially the most promising such makes an attempt was once made via new Colombian President Andrés Pastrana at a time whilst the most insurgent teams appeared receptive to critical discussion. This publication is an account of that attempt at peace, observed on the outset via family and overseas aid and wish, and but doomed like such a lot of others to eventual failure.
Through interviews with the various actors during this drama, in addition to an realizing of some of the curiosity teams and monetary forces at paintings in Colombia, Dr. Kline charts the development and supreme failure of this attempt, and thereby hopes to extend knowing of the factors of its loss of luck. the significance of the answer of the clash to the quarter and to boring electorate of this bothered land can't be
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Additional info for Chronicle of a Failure Foretold: The Peace Process of Columbian President Andres Pastrana
However, those conversations never took place. 27 Nothing happened about possible negotiations until November 1997, when FARC proposed an even larger demilitarized zone, made up of ¤ve municipalities in the Meta and Caquetá departments (the ones later to be demobilized by President Pastrana). 30 Although Samper indicated his willingness to set up such a zone “any where in the country” if FARC would agree to a “real dialogue,” the military remained ¤rmly opposed. ”31 Retired General José Joaquín Matallana pointed out that these ¤ve municipalities—La Uribe, Mesetas, Vista Hermosa, La Macarena, and San Vicente del Caguán—had been the epicenter of intense ¤ghting between FARC and the armed forces.
2 And a member of the Samper peace process team told me, “Samper spent most of his presidency trying to stay in power after the allegation that he had received drug money during his electoral campaign. ”3 By turning over original documents, campaign manager Medina demonstrated that the Samper campaign had functioned with two sets of books—one given to the Consejo Electoral (Electoral Council), the government body charged with overseeing elections, and another, not sent to the Consejo. This second set of books included contributions in dollars (in both checks and cash).
Finally, there seems to be little doubt that drug groups entered into politics, not only in the national congress but by in®uencing the presidency, even before the years of Ernesto Samper. The First Two Attempts to End Guerrilla Con®ict through Negotiation The Pastrana attempts to negotiate the end of guerrilla violence in Colombia were the third major effort. The ¤rst came during the presidency of Belisario Betancur (1982–86), and the second came in the later years of the administration of Virgilio Barco (1986–90) and the ¤rst years of César Gaviria (1990–94).
Chronicle of a Failure Foretold: The Peace Process of Columbian President Andres Pastrana by Harvey F. Kline