By Christoph Zurcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner
Costly Democracy makes the case that the personal tastes of household elites are vastly formed through the prices they incur in adopting democracy, in addition to the leverage that peacebuilders wield to extend the prices of non-adoption. As situations from Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Timor, Rwanda, Namibia, Mozambique, and Tajikistan convey, family elites in postwar societies may perhaps wish the resources—both fabric and symbolic—that peacebuilders can convey, yet they're much less wanting to undertake democracy simply because they think democratic reforms may possibly endanger a few or all in their sizeable pursuits. Costly Democracy deals comparative analyses of modern circumstances of peacebuilding to deepen knowing of postwar democratization and higher clarify why peacebuilding missions usually deliver peace, yet seldom democracy, to war-torn countries.
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Extra info for Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization After War
Nor did they support the popularly held belief that a mission’s footprint (its personnel, resources, or duration) or aid flow is consistently associated with a given outcome. On the other hand, it seemed counterintuitive to discard all of these factors as insignificant. We began to critically reassess much of the conventional 16 Chapter 1 wisdom on peacebuilding. Our collaborative research effort then developed into a dialogue between commonly accepted knowledge and our empirical observations, driven by what we increasingly perceived as a mismatch between the two.
A cooperative peacebuilding process leading to democracy is most likely when peacebuilders exert a high degree of leverage over domestic political actors and when domestic political actors perceive the costs of prescribed reforms to be low. On the other hand, when peacebuilders exert less leverage over domestic political actors, and when the perceived adoption costs for reforms are higher, it is more likely that the democratic vision will be compromised. Our conceptualization of peacebuilding as social interaction urges us to think about the costs domestic political actors must incur when adopting a given peacebuilding package and about the ways peacebuilders can exert leverage to offset these costs.
We start with the rather uncontroversial assumption that domestic political actors want to preserve their political power and to ensure that the peacebuilding process either enhances or preserves their security, political, and economic interests. It is possible that domestic political actors perceive full cooperation with peacebuilders to be in their best interests, as we have seen in Namibia. However, it is more likely that the priorities of domestic elites will differ from those of peacebuilders.
Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization After War by Christoph Zurcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner