By Carol J. Greenhouse (ed.), Elizabeth Mertz (ed.), Kay B. B. Warren (ed.)
Ethnography in risky Places is a set of ethnographic money owed of daily events in locations present process dramatic political transformation. supplying vibrant case reviews that variety from the center East and Africa to Europe, Russia, and Southeast Asia, the contributing anthropologists narrate specific conditions of social and political transformation—in contexts of colonialism, struggle and its aftermath, social pursuits, and post-Cold battle climates—from the standpoints of normal humans stuck up in and having to deal with the cave in or reconfiguration of the states within which they live.
Using grounded ethnographic aspect to discover the demanding situations to the anthropological mind's eye which are posed by means of glossy uncertainties, the individuals confront the ambiguities and paradoxes that exist around the spectrum of human cultures and geographies. the gathering is framed via introductory and concluding chapters that spotlight diverse dimensions of the book’s interrelated themes—agency and ethnographic reflexivity, identification and ethics, and the inseparability of political economic climate and interpretivism.
Ethnography in volatile Places will curiosity scholars and experts in social anthropology, sociology, political technological know-how, diplomacy, and cultural stories.
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Extra info for Ethnography in Unstable Places: Everyday Lives in Contexts of Dramatic Political Change
16. I borrow the phrase in this context from James Boon. 17. See Deleuze 1993:75–80 on Whitman’s concept of writing fragments. 18. On legal pluralism’s conceptual underpinnings, especially with respect to Moore’s essay, see Gri≈ths 1986 and Merry 1988. 19. The discussion of structure and agency is drawn from a more expanded version in Greenhouse 1996: esp. ch. 3. 20. Giddens 1979: esp. 49–95. Agency emerged as an anthropological issue in the mid-1980s from several sources in ethnography, feminist theory, and sociology.
Meanwhile, the reuniﬁcation of Germany is o≈cially constructed as the end of an illegitimate legal order, such that many members of the former East German bench and bar can no longer earn a living in their professions. Vietnamese refugee children cannot for the most part e√ectively resist repatriation and assignment to the care of relatives after the war, but some are able to escape the conse- 30 Carol J. Greenhouse quences of the ﬂawed assumptions of western nongovernmental organizations (ngos) as to the will and ability of these families to care for them.
Ghettos were improvised social ﬁelds in which both perpetrators and victims coexisted, sometimes very brieﬂy as a short phase in the murder of the Jews, while at other times almost until the end of the war. This improvised social ﬁeld was one in which roles and symbolic constructs were imposed on the Jews, who had no recourse but to attempt to create a facsimile (however distorted) of a social system based upon social contracts as they understood them. The Judenrate, or Jewish Councils, consciously created by the Nazis to administer the ghettos, were a key node in the social, political, and economic motivations and machinations of the genocide.
Ethnography in Unstable Places: Everyday Lives in Contexts of Dramatic Political Change by Carol J. Greenhouse (ed.), Elizabeth Mertz (ed.), Kay B. B. Warren (ed.)